Gold is not a hedge against “CPI inflation”

December 16, 2019

Like old soldiers, old beliefs never die. In the financial world, one of the many old beliefs that clings to life despite a pile of conflicting evidence is the one about gold being primarily a hedge against, or a play on, so-called “CPI inflation”.

The belief that big moves in the gold price are primarily driven by “price inflation” as measured by the CPI was spawned by what happened during 1972-1982. As illustrated by the following chart, there was a strong positive correlation between the gold price and the 12-month rate of change in the CPI during this period. However, it is clear that the positive correlation of 1972-1982 did not persist over the subsequent 37 years. In particular, the chart shows that the most recent two major rallies in the gold price (the rallies that began in early-2001 and late-2008) had nothing to do with “CPI inflation”. These rallies got underway in the midst of steep declines in the CPI’s growth rate and were at no time supported by a rapidly-rising CPI. The chart also shows that 2019′s significant up-move in the gold price had nothing to do with a rising rate of “CPI inflation”.

gold_CPI_161219

All substantial gold rallies are driven by falling confidence in the monetary authorities. The fall in confidence can be associated with so-called “price inflation”, but it certainly doesn’t have to be. As was the case with the major gold rallies that began in 2001 and 2008, it can be associated with stock market weakness, concerns about future economic growth, stresses in the banking system and minimal “price inflation”.

At some point within the next 10 years there could be a major bullish trend in the gold price that is linked to a large rise in the CPI, but that’s not the most likely scenario. There’s a better chance that the next major gold rally will be set in motion by a long-term trend reversal in the US stock market. In fact, even the gold bull market of the 1970s had more to do with a long-term bearish trend in US equities (the US stock market peaked in the late-1960s and bottomed in 1982) than rapid “price inflation”.

Naturally, the US$ gold price will rise over very long (50+ year) periods as the US$ depreciates, but so will the US$ prices of many other assets. Within this group of assets that tend to rise in terms of depreciating currency over the very long term, gold’s unique property is its counter-cyclicality. Gold racks up the bulk of its long-term appreciation during the bust phases of economic cycles.

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What’s required for a gold bull market?

December 10, 2019

[This blog post is an excerpt from a recent TSI commentary]

During a gold bull market the “true fundamentals”, as indicated by our Gold True Fundamentals Model (GTFM), will be bullish most of the time. However, even during a bear market there can be periods of a year or longer when the fundamental backdrop is bullish most of the time. This means that the GTFM can’t be used to determine whether gold’s long-term trend is bullish or bearish. The historical sample size is small, but the most important prerequisite for the start of a gold bull market appears to be the start of a bear market in US equities.

That’s why we use a long-term weekly chart of the gold/SPX ratio with a 200-week MA to identify gold bull and bear markets. Unfortunately, at this time the chart (see below) is noncommittal, because gold/SPX bottomed in August of 2018 but is yet to make a sustained break above its 200-week MA. It’s possible that a gold bull market got underway in August of last year, but it’s also possible that we are dealing with a 1-2 year up-swing within a bear market.

The inverse long-term relationship between gold and the US stock market is not always evident over the short-term or even the intermediate-term, although over the past two years it does seem like the gold market and the stock market have been taking turns. This is illustrated by the following chart. The chart shows that there was a net gain in the SPX over the periods when gold trended downward and a net loss in the SPX over the periods when gold trended upward.

The implication is that gold’s next 3-month+ upward trend should unfold over a period in which the SPX generates a poor return (most likely a significant loss).

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Charts of interest

December 3, 2019

The following charts relate to an update on the markets that was just emailed to TSI subscribers.

1) Gold

gold_blog_021219

2) The Gold Miners ETF (GDX)

GDX_blog_021219

3) The Yen

Yen_blog_021219

4) The S&P500 Index (SPX)

SPX_blog_021219

5) The Russell2000 ETF (IWM)

IWM_blog_021219

6) The Dow Transportation Average (TRAN)

TRAN_blog_021219

7) The iShares 20+ Year Treasury ETF (TLT)

TLT_blog_021219

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Lower interest rates lead to slower growth

December 2, 2019

[This blog post is a modified excerpt from a TSI commentary]

In one important respect, the average central banker is like the average politician. They both tend to focus on the direct and/or short-term effects and ignore the indirect and/or long-term effects of policies. In the case of the politician, this is understandable if not excusable. After all, the overriding concern of the average politician is winning the next election. The desire to be popular also influences the decisions of central bankers, but there is a deeper reason for the members of this group’s shortsightedness. The deeper reason is their unwavering commitment to Keynesian economic theory.

All central bankers are Keynesians at heart (if they weren’t they wouldn’t be central bankers), and Keynesian economic theory revolves around the short-term and the superficial. It’s all about policy-makers in the government and the central bank attempting to ‘manage’ the economy by stimulating demand under some conditions and dampening demand under other conditions, with the conditions determined by measures of current or past economic activity. For example, if certain statistics move an arbitrary distance in one direction then an attempt will be made to boost “aggregate demand”. That the concept of “aggregate demand” is bogus is never acknowledged, because acknowledging that the economy comprises millions of distinct individuals as opposed to an amorphous blob would call into question the entire basis for central control of money and interest rates.

In the short-term, the manipulation of money and interest rates often seems to work. In particular, pumping money and forcing interest rates below where they otherwise would be can lead to increased economic activity in the form of more consumption and more investment. What’s happening, however, is that false signals are causing people to make mistakes.

One problem is that people are incentivised by cheaper credit to consume more than they can afford, which guarantees reduced consumption in the future. The bigger problem, though, is on the investment front, in that projects and businesses that would not be financeable at free-market rates of interest are made to appear economically viable. This could seem like a very good thing for a while, but it means that a lot of resources get used in ventures that eventually will fail. It also means that the businesses that would have been viable in a non-manipulated rate environment suffer profit-margin compression due to the ability, created by the abundance of artificially-cheap credit, of relatively inefficient and/or unprofitable competitors to remain in operation.

In addition to the above, the persistent downward manipulation of interest rates leads to huge pension-fund deficits. However, burgeoning shortfalls in the world of pension funds is a major economic and political issue that deserves separate treatment and is outside the scope of this short discussion. Suffice to say right now that the massive unfunded pension liabilities that have arisen due to the policy of interest-rate suppression could be the excuse for new policies that are even more destructive, such as policies based on Modern Monetary Theory (MMT).

Summing up, the policy of interest-rate suppression promotes resource wastage and general profit-margin compression. It therefore reduces economic growth over the long term. Furthermore, it’s not so much that central bankers weigh the long-term cons against the short-term pros and opt for the latter; it’s that their chosen theoretical framework doesn’t even allow them to consider the long-term cons. That’s how the head of the ECB is able to argue with a straight face that even though euro-zone interest rates have been manipulated well into negative territory, more interest-rate suppression is needed to support the economy.

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